Bolsonaro promised the special forces, whose emblem and cri de guerreis a skull, that their people would be included in the government, possibly suggesting a ministerial position for a special forces commander. Police contribute to the bloodshed, killing thousands each year. There were over 60,000 murders in Brazil last year. Worryingly, existing levels of violent crime could justify - and serve to mask - bloody repression. Allied to sections of the military who want an increasing role in politics, Bolsonaro conjures up the sort of rule last seen in Augusto Pinochet’s Chile or interwar Europe. After all, it was this drive to crush the left that most animated fascism. As do his threats to machine gun Workers Party supporters, shoot activists in the landless and homeless workers movements and eventually classify these organizations as terrorist organizations. The campaign “can create, in public opinion, passionate states with the potential to incite violent behaviors,” the court ruled.Įndorsement from the political and business elite makes comparisons to classical fascism evocative. Instead, it banned a Workers Party campaign ad showing Bolsonaro’s support for torture and dictatorship. Though an investigation has been launched, the top electoral court failed to act. Indeed, revelations in Brazil’s largest newspaper allege that many leading businesspeople illegally paid up to $3.2 million dollars each to spread fake news via WhatsApp, slandering Bolsonaro’s opponent. Bolsonaro’s chief economic advisor, University of Chicago-educated Paulo Guedes, promises to privatize aggressively the financial markets endorse this vision, as do many of its media representatives. And the subsequent, disastrous rule of elite-backed Michel Temer spurred a radicalization of the right, with conservative voters abandoning their traditional parties in favor of the extremist Bolsonaro.īig business has flocked to the former army captain. The parliamentary coup and break with democratic norms further delegitimized an already scandal-ridden political system. This so-called “Antipetismo” fueled the move to impeach then-President Dilma Rousseff (a member of the Workers Party) on scant legal grounds. The upper-middle classes and the elite have long been animated by a barely coded class hatred that is fixated on the Workers Party (PT). “Constitutional dictatorship” is another term that could describe a post-Bolsonaro Brazil. Attempts to strangle the constitution, such as these, put us in mind of other “managed democracies,” such as Vladimir Putin’s Russia or Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's Turkey. The so-called “Trump of the Tropics” is a gross misnomer.īolsonaro’s running mate, retired general Hamilton Mourão, suggests a Bolsonaro government would seek to redraft the 1988 Constitution, this time without any popular, representative input and stack the Supreme Court with additional justices. is led by a politician who still enacts policy within the bounds of the law, in and through American institutions. An editorial in the New York Times put Bolsonaro and Trump in the same league, but the U.S. Indeed, his idolization of violence and promises to greenlight extrajudicial killings brings him closer to the Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte than to the current U.S. is led by a politician who still enacts policy within the bounds of the law.
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